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by: Mehrangiz Kar
Secularism defined as separation of religion from the government is one of the political and intellectual basis in Iran. Within the last 150 years, Iran has seen the strong presence of those adhering to this separation. In 1906, when the constitutional revolution succeeded, the Iranians expressed their desire for establishing a parliament and passing the “law” by their representatives. Between 1906 and 1979, this desire was shaken at times, specifically when it clashed with the fundamental religious leaders, who coerced the Parliaments to pass laws based on the tenets of Islam. Similarly, there were times when the parliaments were able to reflect separation of religion and government in the laws they passed. A historical example of such instances is the amendment to the Electoral Law allowing women to vote and allowing them to candidate themselves for the parliament, which clearly shows that adherence to secularism and its challenges was often intertwined with women rights in the Iranian history of the post constitutional revolution period. Hence, one can consider and analyze women and their body as the most significant symbol of the history of secularism in Iran. We shall leave analysis of this symbol to a later time.
Unfortunately, the 1979 revolution in Iran confused the international spectators to thinks that Iran is entirely under a mindset that supports intermingling of religion and state. The spectators paid no mind to some very important points in the revolution:
1- Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the revolution, continuously insisted that upon the toppling of the Shah’s Regime, he will move to Qom and leave governing of the country to individuals and groups qualified for the responsibility. People trusted this covenant and followed the orders of Ayatollah Khomeini as a spiritual leader and savior.
2- Adherence to secularism was more apparent in the course of the revolution than ever before in the history of Iran. However, secularism did not succeed in defining itself within strong, independent and legitimate parties and societies. Absence of important democratic tools such as free and open press and independent and strong societies and parties caused the desire that existed within a large number of the Iranians, which was adherence to secularism, not to stand out and succeed in becoming a strong and organized political force. This was while, in the absence of the strong and independent political parties, the mosques, that at the time of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and by his will, rapidly increased in number, had become political headquarters that joined one another across the nation and resulted in the desire for intermingling of the religion and the state to become the main tendency across the nation. Religious excitement and usage of Shi’a symbols in revolutionary demonstrations added a vivid shade of religiosity and religious cathartic behavior to the Iranian revolution that had, at the time, become a political picture in full view of the world. Hence, gradually the addition of ‘Islamic’ to the Iranian revolution made sense.
3- Due to historical reasons present in the conscious and sub conscious of the people, combating Imperialism played an important role in the Iranian revolution. Secular revolutionaries valued this combat to the point that, in order to topple colonialism, they conceded to collaborate with the religious leaders who had shown their amazing ability in rounding up the masses into the battle field. Secularist tendencies lacked organization, party headquarters, charismatic leaders and masses of people and was facing separations, rebellion and disagreements due to the colonialist background. Hence, in hopes of deliverance the secularists shared their dispersed forces with the revolutionaries who were replacing all other slogans with “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Government.”
Seculars, Nationalist and Marxist, and the Religious Nationalist’s inheritance from colonialism, in addition to separation and disagreement amongst them and their resistance to give more value to the political future of the country as opposed to the revolutionary excitement of the present, as well as the frenzy of the religious revolutionaries who were being led in an organized fashion, pushed secularist tendencies to the side line to the point that such tendencies either materialized in armed underground militia, to the detriment of secularism, or took up isolation and security of the sideline over dangerous presence in the field.
In the last 30 years, flow of secularism (meaning separation of religion from the government) has been present as an active flow with in the social, political, and cultural relations of Iran and has defined and redefined itself by any means possible. Secularism defined itself under the censorship of the press, showed itself in the cinema, played a tactful role in the theater, influenced national songs and anthems, flowed in literature and music and finally now, is showing a significant political version of itself. Secularism is defining itself in the Iranian women’s rights movement.
Iranian women’s rights movement, being based on “equality” and insisting on the necessity of legal equality of men and women, has no foundation other than secularism. In a religious government, equality of men and women is impossible. In spit of this, one must not claim that secularism is the only tendency present in the women’s rights movement in today’s Iran. There is no doubt that other tendencies are present. Ignoring religious tendencies is a grave mishap that once occurred shall incur more damages than has been suffered in the past. Those adhering to this tendency subject themselves to certain discriminations based on religion and yet will not stand other discriminations. They insist that certain discrimination against women is not derived from Islam but rather from the patriarchy that is dominant within the society.
The secular activists within the women’s rights movement well know the core foundation of the movement is secularism. Some wish to strengthen the movement based solely on international human rights laws and regulations. However, there are many within the secular activists who have understood the needs of the time and in their websites, they use religious jurist opinions that are in line with that of their own. The result derived is the same. If there is a disagreement, it is about choosing a method and not about a fundamental change in the desires that are all under the auspice of “equality.” Furthermore, in today’s Iran, a group of secular women have achieved such high level of understanding that they know, so long as the religious view of the Iranian people regarding women is not amended, even if it means the laws has to change, women will continue to be subjects of discrimination under the dominance of the violators. The women’s rights groups who have started the movement today do not necessarily identify with the fundamentals of secularism, but the road they thread on will revive this identity in the long run. So long as the religious and non religious activist of the women’s rights movement can employ the aid of certain religious jurists and extract the definitions of equality from the religious text, they will facilitate the work of other women. This doing will significantly aid the movement and its core foundation, secularism. To ridiculing the methods used by religious activists is to turn a blind eye on the realities.
Since there is no time for speaking in detail, I would like to pay my respects to all groups active in the women’s rights movement of Iran, religious and secular alike, and express my opinion that a sudden change from religious government to a secular one most probably will not bring about equality and democracy in Iran. Secularism can only become the source and foundation of a moderate and balanced government if the civil organizations pave the way for it. If a violent incident such as a revolution, a coup or a foreign invasion coerces the government to become secular, we will not accomplish what we have been striving to achieve for the past century. However, the need for protection and support provided by the foreign government for activists inside of Iran and keeping them in the arena of social activities is the most important need that we express in the international community. We insist that there is a need for the international community and United Nation to supervise the situation of human rights in Iran. This is the most important request we have of other governments.
Women’s rights movement, which is a secular and innovative symbol of the desire of Iranians for equality, has been under unfair attacks by the security forces in Iran. The effort has been made to oppress and crush the movement portraying it as a side policy of the United States inside by using the hostile relationship that currently exist between the two countries as a tool. Other movements such as union movement, labor movement and the university student’s movement are all suffering the same fate.
Hence, if the foreign assemblies desire to hear the political and economic pains and maladies of the Iranian people, they need to help Iran mend its relationship with the United States so that a positive atmosphere can be created in Iran in which every twitch is not considered collaboration with United States and thereby a transgression.
Mehrangiz Kar
September 2008
Brussels
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